HEBRON:
(29 March 1998)
My old, poorly
maintained bus looks like something salvaged from a junkyard. It needs
paint.
The seat covers are torn or missing. It does not appear to have been
cleaned for quite some time and smells vaguely of Cardamom. The other
passengers, mostly young men in casual or working clothes, keep up a
constant chatter in Arabic... seemingly unaware of my presence. Time
passes quickly and we reach the Hebron area in about an hour.
Getting off in the outskirts of town, I
walk toward "city center." A friendly Arab storekeeper smiles
at me. I smile back. "Welcome!" he says and we begin to chat
in English. "Trouble? No trouble here, but in the center of the
town there is trouble."
"Trouble" it turns out is code
for the presence of unwelcome Jews in this nearly all-Muslim
conservative community, which claims to be the home of the traditional
gravesite of the prophet Abraham. "What kind of trouble?" I
ask.
"Israel is taking Arab land for Jewish
settlers. That's the trouble," he replies, elaborating at length. I
thank him for sharing his insights and move on.
A little further along the road to town,
another very Arab-looking man is standing in front of a building bearing
a sign identifying it in English as the "Islamic Cultural
Center." "Perfect!" I think and ask: "Do you speak
English?"
He answered in spitting Arabic in a tone of
voice and with body language that said: "What do you mean English?
This is Arabia and I naturally speak Arabic!!!" I catch
"Arabic" and "English" along with the sharp
irritation in his voice. I smile and move on. As I walk I wonder what he
might have told me, wonder if all my English-speaking informants might
have a general bias not shared by their Arabic-speaking neighbors. Does
speaking to foreigners somehow taint their perspective or dull their
passions?
As I approached the "hot" central
market district of town, a cold wind gusts as if to remind me of the
chilling effect Israeli presence here has on the Muslims. Then, flying
low and just under the speed of sound, an Israeli fighter zips over the
center of town, reassuring the Jewish "settlers" and
aggravating the majority Arab population; an unmistakable reminder of
who is in charge here, militarily speaking. The lopsided military
imbalance infuriates the Arabs, making them think of themselves as the
underdogs.
Stopping to consider what I am feeling, I
notice I am standing in front of an imposing structure marked
"UNIVERSITY GRADUATES UNION." "What luck!" I think
and wander in, not knowing what reception I might get. My first
encounter is with the entry guard-receptionist, a 30 something male with
middle eastern features, sitting at what appears to be a security desk.
I stammer in English my desire to learn about the situation in Hebron
and after a few moments of obvious non-comprehension he motions me to go
on up the flight of stairs behind him.
At the top I find a long hall full of open
doors. All of the offices contain mature men working intensely at their
desks. One looks up and motions for me to come in. He greets me in
cultured, but halting English and I quickly summarize my reasons for
being in Hebron: I want to learn first hand from the people embroiled in
the conflict itself what has led to this tragic situation and if there
is any hope for a peaceful settlement. He asks and I answer that I am
not a journalist, that I am just one of many ordinary Americans who is
puzzled by the frequent news reports of ethnic, religious and political
strife that has persisted in this region for so many generations. He is
attentive and interested in my questions, but after a few minutes asks
me to sit down and calls in one of his staff who offers me Arabic tea.
He translates the young man's Arabic questions and then apologizes for
his own poor English, adding that he is anxious to see that all my
questions are answered and while the tea ritual is performed calls a
colleague who appears almost instantly, followed by three other
distinguished looking men all wearing ties; a couple in jackets.
Dr. Abdulqadir Jebarine approaches me and I
stand to meet his greeting. Shaking hands with all five men now in the
room, I turn to Dr. Jebarine who offers me his business card:
Dr. Abdulqadir Jebarine
Hebron University
Chair, History Department
As I study his card, the others offer
theirs as well. My original host is director of the University Graduates
Union here in this building. Another is Prof. Dr. Sufian Sultah,
President of the Palestinian Environmental Authority under Yaser
Arafat's appointed Palestinian National Authority governmental body. The
others are volunteer instructors at a polytechnic college in the area.
All speak a smattering of English, but only Jebarine is fluent and
articulate. All seem to be moderate, rational men and interested in my
self-assigned fact finding mission. I am comfortable with them and feel
I will get honest, thoughtful answers to the difficult questions in my
mind. I am right.
Carefully answering all my questions, Dr.
Jebarine, with occasional interjections from the others, gives me an
unvarnished lesson in the history(1)(2)(3)
of religious, political and ethnic conflict in Hebron.
Prior to 1929, a large Jewish community of
perhaps 500 people organized around the traditional gravesite of the
Prophet Abraham, lived in relative harmony amidst the overwhelming
Islamic majority. In that year, Muslim zealots massacred a large number
of Jews and the others fled in terror. About ten years earlier, the
British initiated their campaign to create a "Jewish Homeland"
in Palestine. Now exclusively in Arab hands, the mosque structure grew
into a vast market complex wrapped around the holy place of worship, the
Abraham Mosque.
After the 1947 annexation of the West Bank
(Palestine) by Israel, a trickle of idealistically motivated Jewish
conservatives and ultraconservatives began moving back to the area. The
new settlers arrogantly pressed what they considered their historical
right to ownership of the area, predictably infuriating the Muslim
majority. Arab frustration and irritation occasionally spilled over into
violence with increasing frequency. The Israeli government responded by
increasing the number of security personnel assigned to protect the
settlers.
Jebarine points out that this is a very
conservative Arab community, many long time residents are
ultraconservative and intolerant of foreign views. This explosive
mixture attracted the radicals of both sides: The Hamas and other
radical arms of the Palestinian Liberation Organization on the Arab
side, and the most idealistically motivated and radical ultra-orthodox
on the Jewish side.
One day in 1994, a crazed (American born) Jewish extremist from
among the settlers enclave, entered the Abraham Mosque while Muslim
worshippers prayed and massacred several dozen men before one of the
survivors killed him. The Arabs went berserk, rioting and attacking
anyone on the street they thought might be Jewish. The Israeli
government acted swiftly to contain the eminent Arab rampage and moved
in massive military force to the area. Tight curfews and restricted Arab
access to all parts of the Mosque-market complex effectively prevented
what surely would have been a blood bath.
continued at top of right column...